The **Tunisian Revolution** or the **Dignity Revolution** (called the
**Jasmine Revolution** outside Tunisia)''' '''was a revolution in Tunsia
in [2010 and
2011](Timeline_of_Libertarian_Socialism_in_Northern_Africa "wikilink")
which led to the fall of the [Ali
Dictatorship](Ali_Dictatorship "wikilink") and the creation of a
[liberal](Liberalism "wikilink") [representative
democracy](Representative_Democracy "wikilink").
## Background
*Main Article: [Ali Dictatorship](Ali_Dictatorship "wikilink")*
For 23 years, Tunisia had been under the dictatorship of Ben Ali, a
one-party state that not only restricted the media but also repressed
political opposition (notably backed by the
[US](Timeline_of_US_Imperialism "wikilink") and
[France](Francafrique "wikilink")). Compounded with high unemployment,
inflation, corruption and poor living conditions it was a breeding
ground for revolt. Mohamed Bouazizi, a street vendor who sold fruit and
vegetableswho has been harassed repeatdly by corrupt police ended up
burning himself in public in front of the city headquarters, sparking
the revolution.
A humiliated Bouazizi then went to the provincial headquarters in an
attempt to complain to local municipality officials and to have his
produce returned. He was refused an audience. Without alerting his
family, at 11:30 am and within an hour of the initial confrontation,
Bouazizi returned to the headquarters, doused himself with a flammable
liquid and set himself on fire. Public outrage quickly grew over the
incident, leading to protests.\[46\]\[47\] This immolation,
and the subsequent heavy-handed response by the police to peaceful
marchers, provoked riots the next day in Sidi Bouzid. The riots went
largely unnoticed, though social media sites diseminated images of
police dispersing youths who attacked shop windows and damaged cars.
Bouazizi was subsequently transferred to a hospital near Tunis. In an
attempt to quell the unrest, President Ben Ali visited Bouazizi in
hospital on 28 December. Bouazizi died on 4 January
2011.\[48\]
There were reports of police obstructing demonstrators and using tear
gas on hundreds of young protesters in Sidi Bouzid in mid-December. The
protesters had gathered outside regional government headquarters to
demonstrate against the treatment of Mohamed Bouazizi. Coverage of
events was limited by Tunisian media. On 19 December, extra police were
present on the city's streets.\[51\]
On 22 December, protester Lahseen Naji, responding to "hunger and
joblessness", electrocuted himself after climbing an electricity
pylon.\[52\] Ramzi Al-Abboudi also killed himself because of
financial difficulties arising from a business debt by the country's
micro-credit solidarity programme.\[41\] On 24 December,
Mohamed Ammari was fatally shot in the chest by police in Bouziane.
Other protesters were also injured, including Chawki Belhoussine El
Hadri, who died later on 30 December.\[53\] Police claimed
they shot the demonstrators in "self-defence". A "quasi-curfew" was then
imposed on the city by police.\[54\] Rapper El Général, whose
songs had been adopted by protesters, was arrested on 24 December but
released several days later after "an enormous public
reaction".\[55\]
Violence increased, and protests reached the capital,
Tunis,\[52\] on 27 December where a thousand citizens
expressed solidarity\[56\] with residents of Sidi Bouzid and
called for jobs. The rally, organised by independent trade union
activists, was stopped by security forces. Protests also spread to
Sousse, Sfax and Meknassy.\[57\] The following day, the
Tunisian Federation of Labour Unions held another rally in Gafsa which
was also blocked by security forces. About 300 lawyers held a rally near
the government's palace in Tunis.\[58\] Protests continued
again on 29 December.\[59\]
On 30 December, police peacefully dispersed a protest in Monastir, while
using force to disrupt further demonstrations in Sbikha and Chebba.
Momentum appeared to continue with the protests on 31 December and the
Tunisian National Lawyers Order organised further demonstrations and
public gatherings by lawyers in Tunis and other cities. Mokhtar Trifi,
president of the Tunisian Human Rights League (LTDH), said that lawyers
across Tunisia had been "savagely beaten".\[53\] There were
also unconfirmed reports of another man attempting to commit suicide in
El Hamma.\[60\]
On 3 January 2011, protests in Thala over unemployment and a high cost
of living turned violent. At a demonstration of 250 people, mostly
students, police fired tear gas; one canister landed in a local mosque.
In response, the protesters were reported to have set fire to tyres and
attacked the RCD offices.\[61\] Some of the more general
protests sought changes in the government's online censorship; Tunisian
authorities allegedly carried out phishing operations to take control of
user passwords and check online criticism. Both state and non-state
websites had been hacked.\[62\]
On 6 January, 95% of Tunisia's 8,000 lawyers went on strike, according
to the chairman of the national bar association. He said, "The strike
carries a clear message that we do not accept unjustified attacks on
lawyers. We want to strongly protest against the beating of lawyers in
the past few days."\[63\] It was reported on the following
day that teachers had also joined the strike.\[64\]
In response to 11 January protests, police used riot gear to disperse
protesters ransacking buildings, burning tyres, setting fire to a bus
and burning two cars in the Tunis working-class suburb of
Ettadhamen-Mnihla. The protesters were said to have chanted "We are not
afraid, we are not afraid, we are afraid only of God". Military
personnel were also deployed in many cities around the
country.\[65\]
On 12 January, a reporter from Italian broadcaster RAI stated that he
and his cameraman were beaten with batons by police during a riot in
Tunis's central district and that the officers then confiscated their
camera.\[66\] A curfew was ordered in Tunis after protests
and clashes with police.\[67\]
Hizb ut-Tahrir organised protests after Friday prayer on 14 January to
call for re-establishing the Islamic caliphate.\[68\] A day
later, it also organised other protests that marched to the 9 April
Prison to free political prisoners.\[69\]
Also on 14 January, Lucas Dolega, a photojournalist for the European
Pressphoto Agency, was hit in the forehead by a tear gas canister
allegedly fired by the police at short range; he died two days
later.\[70\]\[71\]\[72\]\[73\]
## End of Ben Ali's rule
During a national television broadcast on 28 December, President Ben Ali
criticised protesters as "extremists and mercenaries" and warned of
"firm" punishment. He also accused "certain foreign television channels"
of spreading falsehoods and deforming the truth, and called them
"hostile to Tunisia".\[74\] His remarks were ignored and the
protests continued.\[59\]
On 29 December, Ben Ali shuffled his cabinet to remove communications
minister Oussama Romdhani, while also announcing changes to the trade
and handicrafts, religious affairs, communication and youth
portfolios.\[75\] The next day he also announced the
dismissal of the governors of Sidi Bouzid, Jendouba and
Zaghouan.\[76\]
In January 2011, Ben Ali said 300,000 new jobs would be created, though
he did not clarify what that meant. He described the protests as "the
work of masked gangs" attacking public property and citizens in their
homes, and "a terrorist act that cannot be overlooked". Ahmed Najib
Chebbi, the leader of the Progressive Democratic Party (PDP), responded
that despite official claims of police firing in self-defense "the
demonstrations were non-violent and the youths were claiming their
rights to jobs" and that "the funeral processions \[for those killed on
9 January\] turned into demonstrations, and the police fired \[at\] the
youths who were at these \[...\] processions." He then criticised Ben
Ali's comments as the protesters were "claiming their civil rights, and
there is no terrorist act...no religious slogans". He further accused
Ben Ali of "looking for scapegoats" and dismissed the creation of jobs
as mere promises.\[77\]
Several webloggers and rapper El Général\[78\]\[79\] were
arrested, but the rapper and some of the bloggers were later
released.\[80\] Reporters Without Borders said the arrest of
at least six bloggers and activists, who had either been arrested or had
disappeared across Tunisia, was brought to their attention and that
there were "probably" others.\[81\] Tunisian Pirate Party
activists Slah Eddine Kchouk, Slim Amamou\[82\]\[83\] (later
appointed Secretary of State for Sport and Youth by the incoming
government)\[84\]\[85\] and Azyz Amamy were arrested but
later released.\[62\]\[86\]\[87\]\[88\] Hamma Hammami, the
leader of the banned Tunisian Workers' Communist Party and a prominent
critic of Ben Ali, was arrested on 12 January,\[67\] and
released two days later.\[89\]
On 10 January, the government announced the indefinite closure of all
schools and universities in order to quell the unrest.\[90\]
Days before departing office, Ben Ali announced that he would not change
the present constitution, which would require him to step down in 2014
due to his age.\[91\]
On 14 January, Ben Ali dissolved his government and declared a state of
emergency. The official reason given was to protect Tunisians and their
property. People were barred from gathering in groups of more than
three, and could be arrested or shot if they tried to run
away.\[92\]\[93\] Ben Ali called for an election within six
months to defuse demonstrations aimed at forcing him
out.\[94\] France24 reported that the military took control
of the airport and closed the country's airspace.\[95\]
Translation from French: Ben Ali out
On the same day, Ben Ali fled the country for Malta under Libyan
protection.\[96\] His aircraft landed in Jeddah, Saudi
Arabia, after France rejected a request to land on its territory. Saudi
Arabia cited "exceptional circumstances" for their heavily criticised
decision to give him asylum, saying it was also "in support of the
security and stability of their country". Saudi Arabia demanded Ben Ali
remain "out of politics" as a condition for accepting
him.\[97\]
## Initial impact of Ben Ali's overthrow
Tunisian soldiers serving as gendarmes
Following Ben Ali's departure from the country, a state of emergency was
declared. Army Commander Rashid Ammar pledged to "protect the
revolution".\[98\] Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi then
briefly took over as acting president.\[17\]\[99\] On the
morning of 15 January, Tunisian state TV announced that Ben Ali had
officially resigned his position and Ghannouchi had handed over the
presidency to parliamentary speaker Fouad Mebazaa, with Ghannouchi
returning to his previous position as prime minister.\[100\]
This was done after the head of Tunisia's Constitutional Court, Fethi
Abdennadher, declared that Ghannouchi did not have right to power, and
confirmed Fouad Mebazaa as acting President under Article 57 of the
constitution. Mebazaa was given 60 days to organise new
elections.\[101\] Mebazaa said it was in the country's best
interest to form a national unity government.\[102\]
INTERPOL confirmed that its National Central Bureau (NCB) in Tunis had
issued a global alert to find and arrest Ben Ali and six of his
relatives.\[103\]
A commission to reform the constitution and law in general was set up
under Yadh Ben Achour.\[104\] There were also calls by the
opposition to delay the elections, holding them in six or seven months
with international supervision.\[105\]
A Tunisian army tank deployed in front of the Cathedral of St. Vincent
de Paul in Tunis
Following Ben Ali's departure, violence and looting
continued\[106\] and the capital's main train station was
torched.\[106\] The national army was reported to be
extensively deployed in Tunisia,\[106\] including elements
loyal to Ben Ali.\[107\]
A prison director in Mahdia freed about 1,000 inmates following a prison
rebellion that left 5 people dead.\[108\] Many other prisons
also had jailbreaks or raids from external groups to force prisoner
releases, some suspected to be aided by prison guards. Residents who
were running out of necessary food supplies had armed themselves and
barricaded their homes, and in some cases had formed armed neighborhood
watches. Al Jazeera's correspondent said there were apparently three
different armed groups: the police (numbering 250,000), security forces
from the Interior Ministry, and irregular militias supportive of Ben Ali
who were vying for control.\[109\]
Ali Seriati, head of presidential security, was arrested and accused of
threatening state security by fomenting violence. Following this, gun
battles took place near the Presidential Palace between the Tunisian
army and elements of security organs loyal to the former
regime.\[110\] The Tunisian army was reportedly struggling to
assert control.\[111\] Gunfire continued in Tunis and
Carthage as security services struggled to maintain law and
order.\[112\]
The most immediate result of the protests was seen in increased Internet
freedoms.\[113\] While commentators were divided about the
extent to which the Internet contributed to the ousting of Ben
Ali,\[114\]\[115\] Facebook remained accessible to roughly
20% of the population throughout the crisis\[115\]\[116\]
whilst its passwords were hacked by a country-wide man-in-the-middle
attack.\[117\] YouTube and DailyMotion became available after
Ben Ali's ouster,\[118\] and the Tor anonymity network
reported a surge of traffic from Tunisia.\[119\]
## Ghannouchi government
A protest by the General Labour Union
Anti-RCD graffiti and vandalism
The Ghannouchi administration (15 January – 27 February 2011) was a
caretaker government with the primary goal of maintaining the state and
providing a legal framework for new elections.
Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi announced his cabinet on 17 January
2011, three days after Ben Ali's departure. The cabinet included twelve
members of the ruling RCD, the leaders of three opposition parties
(Mustapha Ben Jafar from the Democratic Forum for Labour and Liberties
\[FTDL\], Ahmed Brahim of the Ettajdid Movement, and Ahmed Najib Chebbi
of the PDP),\[120\] three representatives from the Tunisian
General Labour Union (UGTT), and representatives of civil society
(including prominent blogger Slim Amamou). Three notable movements not
included in the national unity government were the banned Ennahda
Movement, the Tunisian Workers' Communist Party\[121\] and
the secular reformist Congress for the Republic.\[122\] The
following day, the three members of the UGTT and Ben Jafaar resigned,
saying that they had "no confidence" in a government featuring members
of the RCD.\[123\]\[124\]\[125\]
There were daily protests that members of Ben Ali's RCD party were in
the new government. Thousands of anti-RCD protesters rallied in a
protests with relatively little violence.\[126\] On
18 January, demonstrations were held in Tunis, Sfax, Gabes, Bizerta,
Sousse and Monastir.\[125\] Ghannouchi and interim president
Mebazaa resigned their RCD memberships in a bid to calm protests, and
Ghannouchi stated that all members of the national unity government had
"clean hands".\[127\]
On 20 January, Zouhair M'Dhaffer, a close confidant of Ben Ali, resigned
from the government. All other RCD ministers resigned from the party and
the central committee of the RCD disbanded
itself.\[128\]\[129\] The new government announced in its
first sitting that all political prisoners would be freed and all banned
parties would be legalised.\[130\] The next day, Ghannouchi
committed to resigning after holding transparent and free elections
within six months.\[131\]
Police began to join the protests in Tunis on 23 January over salaries,
and to deflect blame over political deaths attributed to them during Ben
Ali's rule.\[132\] Army chief Rachid Ammar declares that the
armed forces are also on the side of the protesters and would "defend
the revolution".\[133\]
On 27 January, Ghannounchi reshuffled his cabinet, with six former-RCD
members departing the interim government. Only Ghannouchi and the
ministers of industry and international cooperation (who had not been
RCD members) remained from Ben Ali's old government. This was seen as
meeting one of the protesters' demands,\[134\] and the UGTT
stated its support for the reorganised cabinet.\[135\] New
ministers included state attorney Farhat Rajhi as interior minister,
retired career diplomat Ahmed Ounaies as foreign minister, and economist
Elyes Jouini as minister delegate to the prime minister in charge of
administrative and economic reform.\[136\] Ounaies later
resigned after praising a foreign politician with ties to Ben
Ali.\[137\] Mouldi Kefi became the new foreign minister on
21 February.\[138\]
By 3 February, all 24 regional governors had been
replaced.\[139\] Days later, the government reached an
agreement with the UGTT on the nomination of new
governors.\[140\] The Interior Ministry replaced 34 top-level
security officials who were a part of Ben Ali's security infrastructure.
Mebazaa promised a national dialogue to address protester
demands.\[141\]
Sidi Bouzid and El Kef saw violence in early February with protesters
killed and a police car set on fire. A local police chief was
arrested.\[142\] On 7 February, the defense ministry called
up soldiers discharged in the previous five years to help control
unrest.\[143\]
The first steps were taken on a bill that would give Mebazaa emergency
powers, allowing him to bypass the RCD-dominated
parliament.\[144\] The bill would allow Mebazaa to ratify
international human-rights treaties without
parliament;\[145\] he had previously stated that Tunisia
would accede to the International Convention for the Protection of All
Persons from Enforced Disappearance, the Rome Statute of the
International Criminal Court, the Optional Protocol to the Convention
against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment, and the First and Second Optional Protocol to the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (which would mean
abolishing the death penalty).\[146\]
Reports emerged on 18 February that Ben Ali had had a stroke and was
gravely ill.\[147\] Plans for a general amnesty were also
announced on that day.\[148\]
Protests flared on 19 February, with 40,000 protesters demanding a new
interim government completely free of association with the old regime,
and a parliamentary system of government replacing the current
presidential one.\[149\]\[150\] As a date was announced for
an election in mid-July 2011, more than 100,000 protesters demanded the
removal of Ghannouchi.\[151\] On 27 February, following a day
of clashes in which five protesters were killed, Ghannouchi resigned. He
stated that he had carried his responsibilities since Ben Ali fled, and
"I am not ready to be the person who takes decisions that would end up
causing casualties. This resignation will serve Tunisia, and the
revolution and the future of Tunisia."\[152\]\[153\]
## Caid Essebsi government
Béji Caïd Essebsi became prime minister, appointed by Mebazaa on the day
Ghannouchi resigned.\[*citation needed*\] Although the
cabinet was now free of RCD members, demonstrations continued as the
protesters criticized the unilateral appointment of Essebsi without
consultation.\[*citation needed*\]
Ghannouchi's resignation was followed the next day by the resignations
of industry minister Afif Chelbi and international co-operation minister
Mohamed Nouri Jouini. There were now protests for the entire interim
government to resign, with the UGTT calling for an elected constituent
assembly to write a new constitution.\[154\] Further
resignations were reported on 1 March: minister for higher education and
scientific research Ahmed Brahim,\[155\] minister of local
development Ahmed Nejib Chebbi, and minister of economic reform Elyes
Jouini.\[156\]
Mebazaa announced elections to a Constituent Assembly would be held on
24 July 2011. This would likely postpone general elections to a later
date.\[157\] This fulfilled a central demand of
protesters.\[158\]
In early March, the interim government announced that the secret police
would be dissolved.\[159\] A Tunis court announced the
dissolution of the RCD and liquidation of its assets, though the party
said it would appeal the decision.\[160\]
In mid-April, charges were announced against Ben Ali, for whom
international arrest warrants were issued in January.\[161\]
There were 18 charges, including voluntary manslaughter and drug
trafficking. His family and former ministers faced 26 further
charges.\[162\]
The elections were further postponed and ultimately held on 23 October
2011. The election appointed members to a Constituent Assembly charged
with rewriting Tunisia's Constitution.\[163\] The formerly
banned Islamic party Ennahda, which was legalised in
March,\[164\] won with 41% of the total
vote.\[163\]
## Effects
### Refugees
In mid-February 2011, about 4,000 mostly Tunisian refugees landed on the
Italian island of Lampedusa, causing the authorities to declare a state
of emergency\[165\] that would allow for federal aid to the
island. Italian Interior Minister Roberto Maroni accused the EU of not
doing enough to curb immigration and asked them to do
more.\[166\] He said that the "Tunisian system was
collapsing" and that he would "ask the Tunisian Foreign Ministry for
permission for our authorities to intervene to stop the flow in
Tunisia", suggesting Italian troops would be on Tunisian
soil.\[167\] He called the event a "biblical exodus". The
comments started a row between the two countries with the Tunisian
Foreign Ministry saying it was ready to work with Italy and others but
that it "categorically rejects any interference in its internal affairs
or any infringement of its sovereignty." In response, Italy's Foreign
Minister Franco Frattini said that both countries share a "common
interest" to halt the immigration, while he also offered "logistical
help in terms of police and equipment" and called to re-establish
previously successful coastal patrols of Northern Africa. By 14
February, at least 2,000 refugees had been sent to Sicily with the other
2,000 quarantined at a re-opened holding center.\[168\] On
2 March about 350 more people arrived on the island. In response, Italy
declared a humanitarian emergency.\[169\]
The International Organisation for Migration said that no new boats had
been spotted. The EU's Catherine Ashton was on a visit to Tunisia to
discuss the issue.\[*needs update*\] German Chancellor Angela
Merkel said that "not everyone who does not want to be in Tunisia can
come to Europe. Rather, we need to talk to each other how we can
strengthen the rule of law in Tunisia again and whether Europe can be of
help."\[168\]
### Stock market
The national stock market, the Bourse de Tunis (TUNINDEX), fell on 12
January for a three consecutive day loss of 9.3%.\[170\]
Following the curfew in Tunis, the market index again fell 3.8% as the
cost of protecting against a sovereign default in credit default swaps
rose to its highest level in almost two years.\[171\]\[172\]
Following the resignations of Ghanoucchi and two Ben Ali-era ministers,
the bourse was again suspended.\[173\]
### International and non-state
Nantes, France, demonstration in support of the Tunisian protests
Main article: International reactions to the Tunisian revolution
Many governments and supranational organisations expressed concerns over
use of force against protesters. France, the former colonial power of
Tunisia, was one of just a few states that expressed strong support for
the Ben Ali government prior to its ouster, though protests were held in
solidarity with Tunisia in several French cities and the French
Socialist Party voiced support for the popular revolution.
### Media and punditry
"The rest will follow". Symbolic middle finger gesture representing the
Tunisian Revolution and its influences in the Arab world. From left to
right, the fingers are painted as flags of Libya, Egypt, Tunisia, Sudan
and Algeria.
The lack of coverage in the domestic state-controlled media was
criticised.\[40\] Writer/activist Jillian York alleged that
the mainstream media, particularly in the Western world, was providing
less coverage and less sympathetic coverage to the Tunisia protests
relative to Iranian protests, the Green movement, and censorship in
China. York alleged the "US government – which intervened heavily in
Iran, approving circumvention technology for export and famously asking
Twitter to halt updates during a critical time period – has not made any
public overtures toward Tunisia at this time."\[174\]
Despite criticism about the "sparse" level of coverage and "little
interest" given to the demonstrations by the international media, the
protests were hailed by some commentators as "momentous events" in
Tunisian history.\[175\] Brian Whitaker, writing in *The
Guardian* on 28 December 2010, suggested that the protests would be
enough to bring an end to Ben Ali's presidency and noted similarities
with the protests that led to the end of Nicolae Ceauşescu's reign in
Romania in 1989.\[175\] Steven Cook, writing for the Council
of Foreign Relations, noted that a tipping point is only obvious after
the fact, and pointed to the counter-example of the 2009–2010 Iranian
election protests.\[176\] Ben Ali's governing strategy was
nevertheless regarded as being in serious trouble,\[12\] and
Elliot Abrams noted both that demonstrators were able for the first time
to defy the security forces and that the regime had no obvious
successors to Ben Ali and his family.\[177\] French
management of the crisis came under severe criticism,\[178\]
with notable silence in the mainstream media in the run-up to the
crisis.\[179\]
The revolt in Tunisia began speculation that the Tunisian Jasmine
Revolution would lead to protests against the multiple other autocratic
regimes across the Arab world. This was most famously captured in the
phrase asking whether "Tunisia is the Arab Gdańsk?". The allusion refers
to the Polish Solidarity movement and Gdańsk's role as the birthplace of
the movement that ousted Communism in Eastern Europe. The phrase
appeared in outlets such as the BBC,\[181\] as well as
editorials by columnists Rami Khouri\[182\] and Roger
Cohen.\[183\]
Larbi Sadiki suggested that although "conventional wisdom has it that
'terror' in the Arab world is monopolised by al-Qaeda in its various
incarnations", there was also the fact that "regimes in countries like
Tunisia and Algeria have been arming and training security apparatuses
to fight Osama bin Laden \[but\] were \[still\] caught unawares by the
'bin Laden within': the terror of marginalisation for the millions of
educated youth who make up a large portion of the region's population.
The winds of uncertainty blowing in the Arab west – the Maghreb –
threaten to blow eastwards towards the Levant as the marginalised issue
the fatalistic scream of despair to be given freedom and bread or
death."\[184\] A similar opinion by Lamis Ardoni carried by
Al Jazeera said that the protests had "brought down the walls of fear,
erected by repression and marginalization, thus restoring the Arab
peoples' faith in their ability to demand social justice and end
tyranny." He also said that the protests that succeeded in toppling the
leadership should serve as a "warning to all leaders, whether supported
by international or regional powers, that they are no longer immune to
popular outcries of fury" even though Tunisia's ostensible change "could
still be contained or confiscated by the country's ruling elite, which
is desperately clinging to power." He called the protests the "Tunisian
intifada" which had "placed the Arab world at a crossroads". He further
added that if the change was ultimately successful in Tunisia it could
"push the door wide open to freedom in Arab world. If it suffers a
setback we shall witness unprecedented repression by rulers struggling
to maintain their absolute grip on power. Either way, a system that
combined a starkly unequal distribution of wealth with the denial of
freedoms has collapsed."\[185\]
### Impact of the Internet
Further information: Internet § Politics and political revolutions
The use of communication technologies, and the Internet in particular,
has been widely credited as a contributor to the mobilisation of
protests.\[189\] A blog associated with *Wired* described the
intricate efforts of the Tunisian authorities to control such online
media as\[190\] Twitter and Facebook. Other regional regimes
were also on higher alert to contain spillover effects that might have
ensued.
On 11 March 2011, Reporters Without Borders gave its annual award for
online media freedom to the Tunisian blogging group Nawaat.org. Founded
in 2004, it played an important role for rallying anti-government
protesters by reporting on the protests which the national media
ignored.\[191\]
After the beginning of the uprising in Tunisia, similar protests took
place in almost all Arab countries from Morocco to Iraq, as well as in
other states, ranging from Gabon to Albania, Iran, Kazakhstan, United
States, India and others. Following weeks of protests, Egyptian
president Hosni Mubarak resigned on 11 February. Major protests against
longtime Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi broke out on 17 February and
quickly deteriorated into civil war, ultimately resulting in the
downfall of the Gaddafi regime later in the year. Syria experienced a
major uprising of people calling for the removal of President Bashar
al-Assad. The Syrian uprising also deteriorated into a civil war, giving
rise to the militant group, ISIS, and partly causing the current refugee
crisis. In addition, Yemen, Bahrain, and Algeria have seen major
protests.
However, a financial analyst in Dubai suggested that "the spillover
effect of the political turbulence to the large countries in the Gulf
Cooperation Council is non-existent as there are no similar
drivers."\[193\]
## Aftermath
In mid-May 2013, Tunisia banned the Salafist Ansar al-Sharia from
carrying out party congresses. The day after the congress was due to be
carried out, clashes between security forces and party supporters in
Kairouan resulted in one death amid attempts to disperse those who
wanted to carry out the events.\[194\]
The Tunisian president, Beji Caid Essebsi, renewed the state of
emergency in October 2015 for three months due to previous terror
attacks.\[195\] In August 2019, the United States aided
Tunisia with $335 million that will be given in five years to support
its democratic transition and help in funding projects and initiatives
that would develop the country.\[196\]