305 lines
14 KiB
Markdown
305 lines
14 KiB
Markdown
**Karl Hess**, born **Carl Hess III** (1923 - 1994) was an engineer,
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welder, woodworker, motorcycle racer, tax resister, author and
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philosopher who's views are popular with the libertarian movement, both
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of the [left](Libertarian_Socialism "wikilink") and
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[right](Right-Libertarianism "wikilink").
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i
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## Lfe
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Hess was born **Carl Hess III**<sup>\[3\]</sup> in Washington, D.C. and
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moved to the Philippines as a child. His parents were of German and
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Spanish ancestry. When his mother discovered his father's marital
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infidelity, she divorced her wealthy husband and returned (with Karl) to
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Washington. She refused alimony or child support and took a job as a
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telephone operator, raising her son in very modest
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circumstances.<sup>\[2\]</sup>
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Karl's mother encouraged curiosity and direct learning. She often
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insisted that Karl figure things out for himself, or increase his
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knowledge through reading. Karl, believing (as his mother did) that
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public education was a waste of time, rarely attended school; to evade
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truancy officers, he registered at every elementary school in town and
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gradually withdrew from each one, making it impossible for the
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authorities to know exactly where he was supposed to be. He had
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developed great reverence for libraries; this became very basic to his
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personal philosophy, and in his autobiography he wrote: "Literacy is the
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basic tool in the workshop of the entire world."<sup>\[2\]</sup>
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As a young person, Karl played tennis, learned marksmanship, and pursued
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fencing. Later on he learned gunsmithing. He officially dropped out at
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15 and went to work for the Mutual Broadcasting System as a newswriter
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at the invitation of Walter Compton, a Mutual news commentator who
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resided in the building where Mrs. Hess operated the switchboard. Hess
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continued to work in the news media, and by age 18 was assistant city
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editor of *The Washington Daily News*<sup>\[2\]</sup>
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Early during the Second World War, Hess enlisted in the U.S. Army in
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1942, but was discharged when they discovered he had contracted malaria
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in the Philippines.<sup>\[2\]</sup>
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He was later an editor for *Newsweek* and *The Fisherman.* He worked as
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a staff writer, and sometimes as a freelancer, for a number of
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anti-Communist periodicals. In the 1950s he worked for the Champion
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Papers and Fibre Company. He was dismayed that people in the management
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portion of the corporate world seemed more interested in personal
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advancement than in doing good work. At Champion his bosses encouraged
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him to get involved in conservative politics for the company's benefit.
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In doing so he met Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater and many other
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prominent Republicans, thus beginning the GOP epoch of his
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life.<sup>\[2\]</sup>
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In his book *Dear America,* Hess wrote that he became an atheist because
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his temporary job as a coroner's assistant when he was 15 left him
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convinced that people were simply flesh-and-blood beings with no
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afterlife. Consequently, he stopped attending church (he had been a
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devout Roman Catholic). Years later, while on leave from Champion and
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working for the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), he resumed
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attending church because virtually all of his AEI colleagues did so. His
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return merely reinforced his atheism; on one Sunday morning, while
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enduring a service as his young son sat on his lap, Hess became
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disgusted with himself for exposing his child to an institution he
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himself had rejected.
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## Political activities
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<table>
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<tbody>
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<tr class="odd">
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<td><p>Part of the Politics series on</p></td>
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</tr>
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<tr class="even">
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<td><p>Anarchism</p></td>
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</tr>
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<tr class="odd">
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<td></td>
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</tr>
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<tr class="even">
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<td><p>Schools of thought[show]</p></td>
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</tr>
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<tr class="odd">
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<td><ul>
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<li>Theory</li>
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<li>Practice</li>
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</ul>
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<p>[show]</p></td>
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</tr>
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<tr class="even">
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<td><p>People[show]</p></td>
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</tr>
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<tr class="odd">
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<td><p>Issues[show]</p></td>
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</tr>
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<tr class="even">
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<td><p>History[show]</p></td>
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</tr>
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<tr class="odd">
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<td><p>Culture[show]</p></td>
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</tr>
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<tr class="even">
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<td><p>Economics[show]</p></td>
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</tr>
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<tr class="odd">
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<td><p>By region[show]</p></td>
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</tr>
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<tr class="even">
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<td><p>Lists[show]</p></td>
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</tr>
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<tr class="odd">
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<td><p>Related topics[show]</p></td>
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</tr>
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<tr class="even">
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<td><ul>
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<li>Anarchism portal</li>
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<li>Politics portal</li>
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</ul></td>
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</tr>
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<tr class="odd">
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<td><ul>
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<li><abbr>v</abbr></li>
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<li><abbr>t</abbr></li>
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<li><abbr>e</abbr></li>
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</ul></td>
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</tr>
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</tbody>
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</table>
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Hess was the primary author of the Republican Party's 1960 and 1964
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platforms. In the lead-up to the 1964 presidential election, Hess worked
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closely with Barry Goldwater. He came to view Goldwater as a man of
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sterling character, a conservative holding a number of significant
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libertarian convictions. Hess worked as a speechwriter, and explored
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ideology and politics. He was widely considered to be the author of the
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renowned Goldwater line, "Extremism in the defense of liberty is no
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vice; moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue," but revealed
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that he had encountered it in a letter from Lincoln historian Harry
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Jaffa and later learned it was a paraphrase of a passage from
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Cicero.<sup>\[4\]</sup> He later called this his "Cold Warrior" phase.
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Following the 1964 presidential campaign in which Lyndon Johnson
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trounced Goldwater, Hess became disillusioned with traditional politics
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and became more radical. Hess and others on the losing team had found
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themselves outsiders within the national Republican party because of
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their support of the controversial Goldwater. Hess felt that he had been
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purged by the Republicans and he departed from involvement with
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grand-scale politics altogether.
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In 1965 Hess took up motorcycle riding. His need to occasionally repair
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his motorcycles led to his interest in welding (which he learned at Bell
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Vocational School). Welding skills gave him something he could trade
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upon. Initially, he set up a commercial partnership, with a fellow Bell
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graduate, doing on-site industrial welding. Eventually, his skill led to
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an involvement with welded-metal sculpture.
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All of this unfolded around the same time as his divorce from his first
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wife. Hess hereafter publicly criticized big business, suburban American
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hypocrisy and the military-industrial complex. Though well beyond
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college age, Hess joined Students for a Democratic Society, worked with
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the Black Panther Party and protested the Vietnam War.<sup>\[2\]</sup>
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After his work on the Goldwater campaign, Hess was audited by the
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Internal Revenue Service, which he believed was in retaliation for his
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support of the losing candidate. In response, he sent the IRS a copy of
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the Declaration of Independence with a letter saying that he would never
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again pay taxes. Hess claimed that the IRS then threatened to put a lien
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on all of his property and 100% of his future earnings. He was supported
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financially thereafter by his wife and used barter to keep himself
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busy.<sup>\[5\]\[*unreliable source?*\]</sup>
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In 1968, Richard Nixon was elected president and Barry Goldwater went to
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Washington as Arizona's junior senator. Hess, despite now being a member
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of the New Left, had recently written some speeches for Goldwater and
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resumed their close personal relationship; he had concluded that
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American men should not be forced into military service and urged
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Goldwater to submit legislation abolishing conscription. Goldwater
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replied, "Well, let's wait and see what Dick Nixon wants to do about
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that one." Hess despised Nixon almost as much as he admired Goldwater
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and could not tolerate the notion that Goldwater would defer to Nixon.
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Thus ended one of Hess's closest professional associations, and the
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situation significantly compromised one of his deepest friendships.
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(Nixon abolished conscription during his presidency, with Goldwater's
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support.)
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Hess began reading American anarchists largely because of the
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recommendations of his friend Murray Rothbard. Hess said that upon
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reading the works of Emma Goldman he discovered that anarchists believed
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everything he had hoped the Republican Party would represent, and that
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Goldman was the source for the best and most essential theories of Ayn
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Rand without any of the "crazy solipsism that Rand was so fond of."
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From 1969 to 1971, Hess edited *The Libertarian Forum* with Rothbard.
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Hess had come to put his focus on the small scale, on community. He
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said, "Society is: people together making culture." He deemed two of his
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cardinal social principles to be "opposition to central political
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authority" and "concern for people as individuals." His rejection of
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standard American party politics was reflected in a lecture he gave
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during which he said, "The Democrats or liberals think that everybody is
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stupid and therefore they need somebody... to tell them how to behave
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themselves. The Republicans think everybody is lazy..."<sup>\[6\]</sup>
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In 1969 and 1970, Hess joined with others, including Murray Rothbard,
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Robert LeFevre, Dana Rohrabacher, Samuel Edward Konkin III, and former
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Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) leader Carl Oglesby to speak at
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two "left-right" conferences which brought together activists from both
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the Old Right and the New Left in what was emerging as a nascent
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libertarian movement.<sup>\[7\]\[*unreliable source?*\]</sup>
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As part of his effort to unite right and left-libertarianism, Hess would
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join the SDS as well as the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), of
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which he explained, "We used to have a labor movement in this country,
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until I.W.W. leaders were killed or imprisoned. You could tell labor
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unions had become captive when business and government began to praise
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them. They're destroying the militant black leaders the same way now. If
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the slaughter continues, before long liberals will be asking, 'What
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happened to the blacks? Why aren't they militant
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anymore?'"<sup>\[8\]</sup>
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In the 1980s, Hess joined the Libertarian Party, which was founded in
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1971 and served as editor of its newspaper from 1986 to 1990.
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## Adams-Morgan experiment and back-to-the-land
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Hess was an early proponent of the "back to the land" movement, and his
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focus on self-reliance and small communities happened in part by
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government mandate. According to a *Libertarian Party News* obituary,
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"When the Internal Revenue Service confiscated all his property and put
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a 100 percent lien on all of his future earnings, Hess (who had taught
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himself welding) existed on bartering his work for food and
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goods."<sup>\[9\]\[*unreliable source?*\]</sup>
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Hess's life as a welder put him in rapport with a very large segment of
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the American population who are manual laborers. He eventually came to
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the conviction that virtually no one in national politics identified
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with these people anymore. Hess's revolt against public giantism
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reflected a distrust toward large-corporate business as well as big
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government. After Hess had made friends within the New Left and related
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circles, he began to encounter the young, new-breed appropriate
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technology enthusiasts<sup>\[10\]</sup> (exemplified, by the early
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1970s, in the editors and readerships of the *Whole Earth Catalog* and
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*Mother Earth News*).
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In the early 1970s, Hess became involved in an experiment with several
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friends and colleagues to bring self-built and -managed technology into
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the direct service of the economic and social life of the poor, largely
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African American neighborhood of Adams-Morgan in Washington, D.C.. It
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was the neighborhood in which Hess had spent his childhood. Afterward,
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Hess wrote a book entitled *Community Technology* which told the story
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of this experiment and its results. According to Hess, the residents had
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a vigorous go at participatory democracy, and the neighborhood seemed
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for a time like a fertile ground for the growth of community identity
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and capability.
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Much of the technological experimentation Hess and others engaged in
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there was successful in technical terms (apparatus was built, food
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raised, solar energy captured, etc.). For instance, Hess wrote: "In one
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experiment undertaken by the author and associates, an inner-city
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basement space, roughly thirty by fifty feet, was sufficient to house
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plywood tanks in which rainbow trout were produced at a cost of less
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than a dollar per pound. In a regular production run the total number of
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fish that can be raised in such a basement area was projected to be five
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tons per year."<sup>\[11\]</sup> He taught courses and lectured on
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Appropriate Technology and Social Change in this period at the Institute
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for Social Ecology in Vermont. Nonetheless, the Adams-Morgan
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neighborhood, continuing on what he felt was a path of social
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deterioration and real-estate gentrification, declined to devote itself
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to expanding on the technology. Hence, in his view, a needy community
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got little value from the application of viable technology.
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Subsequently, Hess and his wife, Therese, moved to rural Opequon Creek
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between Martinsburg and Kearneysville, West Virginia, where he set up a
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welding shop as partial support for his household. He became deeply
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involved with local affairs there. Hess built an affordable house that
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relied largely on passive-solar heating, and took an interest in wind
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power and all forms of solar energy. The house they built was a 2000 sq.
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ft. sun-warmed, earth-sheltered structure – constructed mostly using
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their own labor, and at cost of just $10,000 (mid-1970s dollars). They
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acquired most of the tools needed for the construction, and the
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appliances needed for a comfortable modern life,
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second-hand.<sup>\[2\]</sup> By the late 1970s, Hess saw solar energy as
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emblematic of decentralization and nuclear energy as emblematic of
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central organization.<sup>\[10\]</sup>
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Hess wrote for a survivalist newsletter titled *Personal Survival
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("P.S.") Letter,* which was published from 1977 to 1982. It was first
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published and edited by Mel Tappan. In the same time period, Hess
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authored the book *A Common Sense Strategy for Survivalists*.
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Hess ran a symbolic campaign for Governor of West Virginia in 1992. When
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asked by a reporter what his first act would be if elected, he quipped,
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"I will demand an immediate recount."
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## Legacy
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In a Reuters online "Opinion" piece, in 2012, New Yorker Maureen Tkacik
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asserted that Karl Hess was the ideological grandfather of the anti-1%
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movement – making Hess the direct antecedent of thinkers like Ron Paul
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and both the Tea Party movement and the Occupy movement. She cites the
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detailed argument Hess, in his libertarian phase, put forward in his
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book *Dear America* to delineate and decry the extreme concentration of
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power in the hands of a tiny financial and stock-holding elite. Tkacik
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quotes passages from Hess's book to offer proof that Hess developed the
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language of the 1% versus the 99% (the former being those whose role,
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according to Hess, is demonstrably detrimental to the vast majority of
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Americans).<sup>\[12\]</sup> |